OFFERED · ADOPTED BY NOBODY YET
Model rules the districts may take or leave.
A draft the club has written and has not enacted: how districts could deal with each other. It binds nobody until a district adopts it by its own ballot, and the club publishes what each one chose.
It covers what a Speaker's office is worth, how two districts could make a treaty, and what a federation would and would not move between them. The club wrote it in advance so that the first district to want any of this has something to argue with rather than a blank page — and so that whatever it becomes was drafted before anybody had a side in it.
WHAT IS AND ISN'T BUILT
The rules below are written. The machinery they describe — treaties, delegations, federations — is not built, deliberately, and will not be until districts have actually adopted the rules that would govern it. Building a treaty desk before any district has agreed to treaties would be the Secretary deciding this and then asking. Adoption is recorded here and shown on the district's own page; that is the whole of what an adoption does today, and this page will say so for as long as it stays true.
The clauses
- The Speaker's term is twelve weeks, and the office is agenda power only. One season-clock, not two. What the office holds is agenda control — which proposals reach the district's ballot and in what order, and proposing the district's weekly question for the Secretary to validate against published criteria — and selection: naming the fixed-size delegation that plays each contest. It is never weight in a ballot. A charter adopting this clause is a district choosing to modify Article VI's options-clause for itself, and it should adopt it knowing that is what it is doing.
- Candidacy is by a signature instrument that consumes no petition slot. A nomination must not ride on the petition desk, because a citizen's larger petition allowance would then be political capacity bought with money. The Secretary validates eligibility only — confirmed, vested, in-district, not term-limited — against an exhaustive published list, and any strike is declined in public with reasons.
- Recall is proportional, and capped. A recall petition threshold set as a share of the district rather than a fixed number, at most one recall ballot in thirteen weeks, the cooldown stated up front. Approval voting, ordinary quorum. A vacant office is published as a true fact — with a twelve-week term it is a short one.
- Treaties are made on the record or not at all. Joint declarations, labour compacts, alliances. The whole negotiation is public — the thread, not just the outcome — because the club's Secretary may not answer privately and its districts do not get the one sanctioned back room. Ratification is by both districts' ballots. Every instrument carries a mandatory sunset.
- A pact may be broken lawfully, in public, with seven days' notice. The Notice of Abrogation: a Speaker may break a pact with seven days' public notice and a stated reason, published in the Gazette. Sunsets prevent surprise; abrogation keeps betrayal a first-class move with a paper trail rather than a rules violation nobody can see coming.
- One labour-bearing instrument per district per quarter. Internal compacts are capped at least as strictly as foreign ones. Without it, two districts could between them mortgage more of the Secretary's labour than an external treaty is permitted to — which would make the cap on foreign instruments decorative.
- Federation is for chartered districts, and moves nothing. Shared identity, one delegation, one trophy claim. Seats, names, colours, ballots and the map never move, and a federation is dissolvable by either district's ballot. Nothing about it touches what a seat carries under Article II; nothing about it can.
- In an interregnum, everything tolls. If the Secretary is not there to run them: Speaker terms and treaty sunsets toll, active contests suspend with standings held, no new instruments form, and elections and recalls freeze with everything else and resume with the office. Obligations pass to a successor as office obligations, through the handover papers.
Nothing in this charter can reach what Article II gives a seat: not the vote, not candidacy, not the number, not the free path to one. A district adopting all of it gains agenda power over its own affairs and no power at all over anybody's seat. If the districts adopt these rules, an Article VI amendment codifies what they chose — the club does not amend the constitution to match the Secretary's draft.
Who has adopted it
Nobody, yet. No district has put the charter to itself. That is the true state of this page today and it is printed rather than hidden — an offer nobody has taken up is a fact about the club, not an embarrassment to be dressed up.
Putting it to a district
A district's sitting Speaker may put the charter to their district's ballot once a season. There is one threshold: at least 2 districts must have sitting Speakers before any of them can vote on it, because an inter-district charter needs a second district to relate to. None do today, so the door refuses — honestly, and in those words.